Interests, not values, underpin Asia’s ambivalence about Russia
“Democracy v autocracy” is an unhelpful lens through which to see the region’s calculations
HAVING FOUND itself at a crossroads, Indonesia is attempting to go in every direction at once. On March 2nd it joined much of the world in deploring Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. A few days later its president, Joko Widodo, known as Jokowi, said Russia and Ukraine were both friends of Indonesia. By the middle of April, against a domestic backdrop of protests against rising costs, a fierce debate had broken out within government about whether to take advantage of the crisis by buying discounted Russian oil, with payments perhaps routed through India.
Indonesia is in a tricky position. This year it holds the rotating presidency of the G20, a club of the world’s biggest economies. Jokowi does not want to humiliate Russia. Nor does he want to preside over a high-profile flop: Western leaders have indicated they could ditch the main meeting in Bali in November if President Vladimir Putin turns up. “Our strategy is Bon Jovi’s ‘Livin’ on a Prayer’,” says Evan Laksmana, an Indonesia expert at the National University of Singapore, meaning, “just hope that something gets resolved in the next month or so”.
This article appeared in the Asia section of the print edition under the headline "Asia’s Ukraine dilemma"
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